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    So what if we did kill him?

    Walid Succariyeh’s “What if Hezbollah did kill Hariri”, a blunder or a sign of extreme arrogance?

    In an interview on Wednesday with the Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation (LBC), Hezbollah MP Walid Succariyeh said that the recent CBC report, which claimed to have evidence implicating his party in the 2005 assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, will only lead to internal discord.

    Succariyeh might be forgiven, indeed he may even have a point, if he were simply one of those who believe that the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL), the court created to try Hariri’s alleged killers, will bring nothing but trouble to Lebanon’s already fragile political scene, but it was his subsequent statement that defied belief. “Even if Hezbollah killed Rafik Hariri,” he said. “There is nothing to be gained in destroying Lebanon.”

    So that is it then is it? If Hezbollah members are found guilty of the bomb blast, which also claimed the lives of 21 other innocent people, including the MP and former Economy Minister Basil Fleihan, we should just let it go for the sake of internal stability. Was it an admission of guilt? Probably not, but what it was, was a reflection of the arrogance currently peddled by a party with its back to the wall and which is running out of options.

    We have put up with Hezbollah’s blunders for too long. The party that claims to be honest and clean and which sells itself as the only entity that has stopped us living under the Zionist yolk, has in fact been the source of all our internal problems since 2005.

    In 2006, we endured a month of all-out war because of the party’s reckless adventurism. Instead of putting up its hand and apologizing for the lives lost and the destruction caused, it claimed a Divine Victory and reveled in our suffering.

    Months later, we then had to put up with an 18-month sit-in by Hezbollah and its March 8 allies when they set up shop in the Beirut Central District, forcing businesses to close and staining Lebanon’s already fragile international reputation. It ended in May 2008, but only after we had to suffer one of the most shameful episodes in recent history, when the party that claimed it would never turn its guns on its fellow Lebanese, overran West Beirut, killing innocent civilians in the process and all because of a dispute with the government over its private phone network and its political appointees at Beirut airport.

    Now Succariyeh wants to convince us that, should it ever be proved, we should turn a blind eye to another Hezbollah clanger. Of course we would never agree to such a monstrous request. There would be no point in the idea of Lebanon, a country cursed by the result of decades of compromise, if it were to compromise on arguably the biggest concession of all.

    To forget about a murder would be an insult to the dignity of the million-plus Lebanese who took to the streets on March 14, 2005, because, for once, they saw a chance to have a say in the future of a country that until that point had been a failed state and was bounced from pillar to post by its neighbors. But more importantly, we cannot just ignore the white elephant in the room. If Hezbollah members were involved in the crime, then the wheels of justice must be allowed to turn smoothly.

    Nasrallah knows that the aura of invincibility and purity that the Resistance has so skilled fully nurtured is in danger of being permanently tarnished. It could not last, hence the strenuous and, at times, laughable campaign to spread the blame upon the default scapegoat that is Israel.

    Succariyeh’s logic is bizarre and frightening. If Hezbollah did it, do not come after us because all hell will break loose and do not say we did not warn you. At the end of the day, the only party that is threatening to take down the country is his own. Surely finding a good lawyer is a more appropriate course of action.

    NOW Lebanon

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